Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act (HKHRDA): A Progressive Critique/關於美國《香港人權法》的民間批評

Earlier this month, tens of thousands of Hongkongers marched to the U.S. Consulate in support of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act (HKHRDA), in order to solicit the help of the U.S. to counteract the pressures from Beijing. The HKHRDA is an act in the U.S. Congress supported by some prominent individuals and organizations associated with Hong Kong’s protest movement. The act was passed unanimously in the House of Representatives, and is currently being received in the Senate. The act promises “to support the democratic aspirations of the people of Hong Kong,” but ultimately limits this support to only elements “directly relevant to United States interests in Hong Kong.” Hence, the bill’s sections are heavily entangled with U.S. foreign policy and its other national interests. In addition, the bill neglects to support the key demands of Hong Kong protestors and to condemn the central repressive legislations of the HKSAR government. Uncritical and unconditional support of this legislation may create opportunities for the further erosion of Hongkongers’ aim for self-autonomy.

本月早前,成千上萬香港人遊行到美國領事館以聲援《香港人權與民主法案》(以下簡稱人權法),務求美國幫助抗衡北京對香港的施壓。《香港人權和民主法案》是美國眾議院的法案,它獲得知名人士以及和香港當前抗議運動有關的團體的支持。這個法案已獲眾議院全票通過,之後將輪到參議院審議。法案答應「支持香港人實現民主的意願」,但最終這種支持僅限於「直接關係到美國在香港的利益」的元素。因此,該法案的各個部分跟美國的外交政策及國家利益都捆綁一起。此外,該法案忽略了支持香港示威者的主要要求以及譴責香港特別行政區政府的專制壓迫的立法。無條件地和不加批評下支持這項立法可能進一步削弱港人治港。

In the guise of lending support to Hong Kong’s freedom struggle, some of the bill’s provisions compel Hong Kong to help enforce U.S. sanctions on Iran and North Korea and even aid the U.S. in extraditing its political fugitives – including whistleblowers. In addition, numerous human rights organizations and experts have established that U.S. sanctions have been directly causing alarming shortages in basic medical supplies for Iran and other countries. How can we expect the international community to support our human rights if we agree to legislation that limits other peoples’ human rights too?

人權法表面上支持香港的自由鬥爭,這法案的條款卻逼使香港配合美國制裁伊朗和北韓,甚至輔助美國引渡政治逃犯-包括吹哨者。加上,很多人權組織和專家已經判定美國的制裁直接令到伊朗和其他國家的人民嚴重缺乏基本的醫療設施。如果我們支持一個限制他人的人權的法案,我們有任何資格期望國際社會支持我們的人權?

From experience and history, we note that U.S. foreign policy directives have not protected human rights, peoples’ right to self-determination, and civil democracy abroad, from the invasion of Iraq in 2003 to the sudden withdrawal from recognizing the Republic of China, led by the Kuomintang at the time, as the sole legitimate representative of China in 1979. Regardless of one’s position toward Taiwan’s sovereignty, the fact remains that the U.S. has a record of betraying its protection of other people’s self-determination, most recently demonstrated by the Trump administration’s recent withdrawal of support from the Kurds. We must remember that Hong Kong once refused Edward Snowden’s extradition back to the U.S., a decision broadly supported by Hongkongers at the time, as a demonstration of respect for human rights and freedom of speech. In keeping with the spirit of the movement, the recognition of Hongkongers’ right to autonomy should be treated separately from another nation’s foreign policy aspirations. The U.S. Congress had demonstrated before that delinking these matters is viable in such legislation: the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986, for one, stands with the international community to oppose South Africa’s apartheid regime without any mention of the U.S.’s own national and economic interests.

從歷史和經驗,我們注意到,美國的外交政策指令并非從來都保護世界各地人權、自決權及公民民主權利。例如:2003年美國無理入侵伊拉克,或1979年突然撤回當時承認以國民黨為首的中華民國為中國的唯一合法代表的立場。姑勿論如何評價台灣主權問題,關鍵的事實,是美國政府的確有過背棄其他地方的人民自決權的記錄,而最近例子便是特朗普政府撤回對庫爾德族的支持。我們要謹記香港曾經拒絕引渡斯諾登回美國。這決定當時受到香港大眾的支持,也體現了對人權和言論自由的重視。如果堅持香港民主運動的精神,那就應該把承認香港人享有自治權,和某個國家的外交政策區分開來。美國國會在這類立法作出這樣的區分,是有先例的,那就是1986年的《全面抵制種族隔離主義法》,它和國際社會站在一起反對南非種族隔離政權,而完全沒有提及什麽美國自己的國家和經濟利益。

Furthermore, this bill reaffirms the U.S.’s right from the U.S.-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992 to determine whether Hong Kong is “sufficiently autonomous.” While certain groups argue that the U.S. has economic incentive to never issue a negative certification, we think this is beside the main point of contradiction: that under the current conditions attached to the HKHRDA, Hong Kong’s right to autonomy and democratic self-determination would continue to be bound, albeit to another foreign power. We see this as antithetical to the original aspirations of the anti-extradition bill movement.

除此之外,根據1992年《美國-香港政策法》,人權法重申了美國擁有審核香港是否「充分自治」的權力。雖然某些團體認為,出於經濟誘因,美國最不想發出負面證明。但是,這點其實不是重點;重點在於存在這樣的矛盾:目前人權法所附加的條款,導致香港的自治及民主自決權繼續受到束縛,只不過換成了另一個境外勢力而已。我們認為這跟反修例運動的初衷背道而馳。

The bill’s most recent iteration also neglects to name its support for the movement’s remaining four key demands, namely, 1) the retraction of the characterization of the protests as “riots”, 2) the release and exoneration of protestors who have been arrested, 3) creation of an independent commission to inquire into police’s abuse of power, and 4) universal suffrage for Legislative Council and Chief Executive elections. It is deeply embarrassing that the HKSAR government has still failed to provide the basic right to vote for every citizen. And the bill must also be updated to condemn Carrie Lam’s recent use of the colonial-era Emergency Regulations Ordinance act to ban masks, except under certain circumstances. This is a blatant violation of basic human rights in the city, tantamount to extra-juridically enacting martial law.

人權法經過最近修改後,也忽略了反修例運動剩餘的四大訴求。亦即是, 1)收回示威活動的「暴動定性」,2)釋放所有反修例運動被捕的抗爭者,撤銷其控罪,3)成立獨立調查委員會以追究警方濫權,4)全面落實特首、立法會的「真普選」。香港特別行政區政府至今仍未賦予每個公民基本投票權,更是可恥。所以,人權法一定要再次修改,要加上譴責林鄭月娥近日動用殖民時期的《緊急情況規例條例》來訂立《禁止蒙面規例》–該規例規定,除特殊情況以外,禁止示威者蒙面。這是公然侵犯香港人的基本人權,等同宣布戒嚴。

Lastly, the HKHRDA would be no more than mere gestural support if it does not help uplift other key struggles for basic democratic rights that have long predated this movement but remain unaddressed by the government. Labor groups and other political organizations have briefly won the right to collective bargaining for Hong Kong workers before the Handover, but the HKSAR government immediately struck down these rights mere weeks after its ascendancy to power in 1997. Many political organizations and other civil society advocates have been struggling to recover these rights since then, to ensure basic democratic rights for every worker. These demands for basic human rights have been consistently undermined by the HKSAR government, and any international support for Hong Kong human rights and democracy should address these elements.

最後,若果《人權法》不去促進香港的、其他關乎基本民主權利的鬥爭,那麽《人權法》就不過是一種裝飾。早在這場運動之前許久,勞工團體和其他政治組織曾在1997年回歸前不久,短暫地爭取立法會通過了香港雇員的集體談判權,但香港特區政府在回歸後不過數週就立即取消了這些權利。自此之後,許多政治團體和其他民間組織一直在努力奪回這些權利,以確保每個雇員的基本民主權益。這些基本人權的要求一直被香港特別行政區政府打壓,所以任何支持香港人權和民主的國際聲援,都應解決這些問題。

Therefore, we ask civil society advocates, progressive organizations, and other supporters of Hongkongers’ struggle to help ask Congress to address the following points:

因此,我們請求公民組織的支持者,進步團體和其他支持香港人的人士努力在美國國會爭取以下訴求:

Declare support for the remaining four demands of the protestors’ Five Demands / 公開支持示威者“五大訴求”中餘下的四個訴求


Ask the HKSAR government to immediately stop the ‘Mask Ban Law’ / 要求香港特別行政區政府立即停止實施《禁止蒙面規例》


Support the Protect Hong Kong Act, which prohibits the sale of anti-riot and other crowd control weaponry to the Hong Kong police. The Hong Kong Police Force has been using U.S.-made tear gas weapons to terrorize the protestors and journalists, affecting communities even beyond those participating in the demonstrations / 支持《保護香港法》,禁止向香港警方出售防暴和其他人群管理的武器。香港警察一直使用美國製造的催淚瓦斯武器恐嚇示威者和新聞工作者,甚至影響到示威者以外的社區。


Edit the following points of issue in the HKHRDA bill / 修改《香港人權與民主法》中的以下問題:
Erase the sections of the bill that do not relate at all to supporting the “democratic aspirations of the Hong Kong people” and only benefits the U.S.’s own national interests often to the detriment of our own, particularly those relating to U.S. foreign policy: sanctions to North Korea and Iran, assistance with the extradition of the U.S. ‘political fugitives’, etc. / 刪除該法案中無關於支持「香港人的民主意願」、反而只惠及美國自己的國家利益並因此損害人民的利益的那些條款,尤其是關於制裁北韓和伊朗及協助美國引渡政治逃犯等等。


Delink this bill to the limitations included in the U.S.-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992. Hong Kong’s right to autonomy should not be left in the hands of any foreign power, be it China or the U.S / 將此法案中把香港人權捆綁於1992年《美國-香港政策法》的規限實行鬆綁。香港的自治權不應交由任何境外政府掌握,無論是中國還是美國。


Add sections in support of Hongkongers’ right to collective bargaining agreements / 新增支持香港人的集體談判權。


If Congress truly wishes to respect Hong Kong’s democratic struggles, as the name of the legislation suggests, then these points must be addressed.

如果國會真正篤行那被稱爲《香港人權法》的草案,真正尊重香港的民主奮鬥,它就應該回應我們以上提出的重點。

Five Demands, Not One Less! 五大訴求,缺一不可!

Signed / 簽署–

Asian American Feminist Collective

Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance (APALA)

無國界社運 Borderless Movement (HK)

Eli Friedman, Associate Professor, Cornell University

Scott McLemee, Editor, New Politics magazine

Nancy Holmstrom, Professor Emerita, Rutgers University

Lausan 流傘 Collective

New Bloom Magazine 破土

夜貓 The Owl (HK)

Pacific Rim Solidarity Network 跨太平洋互助網絡

Parissah Lin, NYC

先驅社 Pioneer Group (HK)

Red Canary Song 红莺歌

Solidarity (US)

Q-Wave NYC

勞工組 Workers Committee (HK)

Gregor Benton, Cardiff University

Stuart Chen-Hayes, Professor, City University of New York Lehman College

Asian Solidarity 亞洲團結 (Japan)

ATTAC Japan (Japan)

梁寶龍, 工運史研究者 Leung Po-lung, independent labour researcher (HK)